Plotting press coverage when every story is political

Plotting press coverage when every story is political

For public affairs professionals, the challenge of comms is no longer just about getting a message through. It’s about managing how that message evolves once it enters the current fast-moving, politically-charged, and increasingly fragmented media landscape.

The latest report from Vuelio, ‘How news travels in today’s fragmented media environment’, provides a data-driven look at how stories move across the modern ecosystem — here is a closer look at what this means for those operating at the intersection of politics, policy, and public opinion.

A media ecosystem without clear borders

Tracking specific stories through the media confirms what those in Westminster and Whitehall already know: there is no longer a single, stable route for a story to reach its audience. Instead, the news cycle has become an ecosystem – complex, reactive, and full of feedback loops between political actors, journalists, and the public.

In this ecosystem, narratives that once followed predictable arcs (a ministerial statement, a round of coverage, then commentary and response) now move multi-directionally. They emerge from local conversations, ricochet through social feeds, and land on front pages already laden with political significance.

Mental Health Matters’ External Affairs and Policy Manager Charlie Campion sees the closer connections playing out, directly impacting how PA and comms teams work:

Mental Health Matters' Charlie Campion quote

‘Politicians are paying closer attention than ever to public opinion. That means that conversations in the press, online forums, and across social media have become essential to any successful public affairs strategy and to influencing the government’s agenda. This is why integration and collaboration between public affairs and communications teams is more critical than ever.’

Political buffers and public pinball

Vuelio’s analysis of five major stories from the first half of 2025 spotlight this effect. From reporting around the RAAC Crisis to Low Traffic Neighbourhoods and the Zero Hour Contract Ban, each issue demonstrates how the political sphere can act both as amplifier and accelerator.

Coverage of three tracked news stories

 

Social coverage of three stories

Low Traffic Neighbourhoods (LTNs) began as a hyper-local debate about planning and mobility. But as online community discussions grew across X, Reddit, and local blogs the topic was pulled into the national conversation. By the time of local elections, it had become shorthand for wider political divisions around environmental policy, civic freedom, and government control.

RAAC Crisis reporting by contrast, shows how policy accountability narratives spread in unexpected ways. Regional news outlets drove much of the early coverage, but attention from MPs and regulators kept it alive in the national press. The story’s longevity wasn’t purely due to public interest — it was fuelled by parliamentary intervention and the policy implications that followed.

The Zero Hour Contract Ban demonstrated the convergence of social and political storytelling. What started as personal testimonies across social media grew into union advocacy and, eventually, coverage of specific political action, including the Worker’s Rights Bill.

Each case underlines a central point: policy stories don’t just sit within political news anymore. They move between issue communities, partisan echo chambers, and mainstream media with remarkable fluidity – reshaped every time they cross a new threshold.

Kelly Scott, VP Government & Stakeholder at Vuelio, summarises the phenomena:

Kelly Scott quote

‘The journey of public interest stories can be like a pinball machine — hitting political buffers that change their course. It’s vital to correct misinformation at pace, engage with both media and political influencers, and mobilise credible third-party voices.’

In this ‘pinball’ model, the risk of distortion is constant — but so is the opportunity for those who can anticipate the next pivot.

Fragmentation and connection

Major obstacles for any comms team tasked with getting vital information out to audiences are media siloes, which are abundant, even in an age of digital abundance. Reporting and conversation around the story of Surge Pricing for example, shows different media audiences consuming parallel (but largely disconnected) versions of the same issue.

Broadsheets and business outlets framed surge pricing as a question of market regulation and fairness. Tabloids focused on its impact on consumers, from concert tickets to the price of a pint. Each narrative reinforced itself within its own echo chamber, while cross-over between the two remained minimal.

This division presents a serious challenge for public affairs teams: a single policy debate can now exist in multiple, self-contained forms. A story that looks resolved in one arena may still be live (and inflamed) in another.

National broadcasters remain one of the few connecting threads, offering brief bursts of shared attention, but even these tend to lack the interpretive depth audiences once found in print. Increasingly, it falls to issue specialists, from think tanks to influencers to community groups, to bridge the gaps.

The collapse of siloes between media and politics

Perhaps the most consequential finding for political communicators is how blurred the lines have become between media management, public affairs, and reputation strategy.

In a world where journalists quote MPs’ tweets and policy conversations trend before they’re debated in Parliament, separating media and stakeholder engagement strategies could be dangerous.

‘In our recent call for increased investment in the charity sector ahead of the Autumn Statement, our approach extended beyond engaging MPs or the Chancellor directly,’ says Charlie. ‘The Mental Health Matters team worked with the media and in turn, built public support that can drive change.’

For public affairs professionals, integration is now essential. Understanding the media’s rhythms helps shape political engagement, while political intelligence helps anticipate where and how a story might evolve once it enters the news cycle.

Influence in an age of flux

Public affairs practitioners must think beyond Westminster and mainstream media to include the new spaces where policy conversations take shape — podcasts, Substacks, TikTok explainers, and influencer commentary all play a role in framing political stances and, in some cases, impact policy.

If the traditional model of influence was about control, be it controlling the message, the moment, and/or the medium, the new model is about navigation.

Quote from Sean Allen-Moy

‘Know where your audience consumes content, and meet them there’ – Burson’s Head of Media Relations Strategy Sean Allen-Moy.

Fragmentation hasn’t diminished the power of public affairs; it’s simply expanded the field. Every story, from infrastructure to employment, is now a live and dynamic object — interpreted, politicised, and repurposed across audiences.

Those who can read the ecosystem, engage multiple stakeholders, and adapt their strategy in real time will not only survive this shift but thrive within it.

Because in today’s media environment no story stays still, and no issue stays purely political.

Read our full report ‘How news travels in today’s fragmented media environment’ and find out more about Vuelio’s services and support for the Public Sector here

Navigating the modern media maze for brands

In 2025, the idea of a story travelling directly from the PR team, to the newsroom, straight to the right audience is long gone. Today, stories scatter, ricochet, and sometimes completely transform as they pass through an ecosystem of platforms.

For in-house comms teams at big UK brands tasked with securing significant attention for their campaigns, this fragmented environment can feel chaotic and difficult to circumnavigate. But it’s also full of opportunity – here is what brand comms teams need to know for connecting with audiences now…

From broadcast to broadband: the shape of today’s media

According to the latest Reuters Institute Digital News Report, UK audiences have shifted away from print and TV (down to just 12% and 48% respectively) towards an online-first, mobile-led media landscape.

Statistics from Reuters Institute

For PRs, this means the traditional ‘top-down’ model of securing coverage and waiting for amplification no longer applies. Every story now takes a unique, often unpredictable route through the media ecosystem.

This doesn’t mean that ‘traditional’ media isn’t important – long-trusted media brands have simply branched out into a number of new formats, and audiences can be found spread among them.

Stories take unexpected turns

Vuelio’s latest report ‘How news travels in today’s fragmented media environment’ tracked specific stories across the first half of 2025 – from the AI for Heart Health innovation to the Zero Hour Contract Ban. The findings reveal just how differently narratives can evolve:

AI for Heart Health stayed niche and technical, thriving in academic journals and specialist sites before making a surprise leap to tabloids when an AI pyjamas invention caught the press imagination.

Low Traffic Neighbourhoods moved from hyper-local activism on Reddit and X into national election talking points.

Surge Pricing split the nation’s media in two: broadsheets debated regulation and market fairness, while tabloids raged about pint and gig prices.

Zero Hour Contracts began as social storytelling – people sharing experiences online – before policy debate brought it into mainstream broadcasting.

Stories showcasing media fragmentation

These examples highlight a key lesson: media coverage is no longer linear, but lateral. Stories can leap between siloes, or split into parallel versions depending on who picks them up.

The new rules of engagement

As Vuelio’s VP of Government & Stakeholder Kelly Scott notes, ‘The journey of public interest stories can be like a pinball machine — hitting political buffers that change their course’.

Brands are particularly subject to regulation and therefore political interest. Managing reputation in this landscape means engaging quickly, across both media and political spheres.

Correcting misinformation, activating credible third-party voices, and keeping stakeholder networks mobilised are now essentials, not extras.

Amy Chappell, Vuelio’s Head of Insights, adds:

Amy Chappell quote on media fragmentation

‘Each platform, each audience, leaves its imprint. A story isn’t a fixed communication anymore – it’s a fluid journey shaped by who picks it up and how it’s retold.’

How brands can adapt

For in-house comms leaders, this fragmentation requires a mindset shift:

Think ecosystem, not endpoint. A press release isn’t the end of your campaign — it’s the start of a story’s evolution. Map where it might travel next.

Monitor for meaning, not mentions. Media monitoring should track how narratives are reframed across outlets and audiences, not just tally coverage.

Plan for pivots. Build adaptability into campaign design. Prep spokespeople and experts to engage at pace when narratives shift.

Bridge your siloes. Media, comms, and public affairs teams can’t operate separately anymore – their worlds now overlap daily.

Opportunity in the fragmentation

Fragmentation isn’t just a challenge – it’s fertile ground for smarter strategy. With the right insight, the right relationships, and the right timing, stories can thrive in unexpected places.

As Burson’s Head of Media Relations Strategy Sean Allen-Moy puts it:

Sean Allen-Moy quote on media fragmentation

‘To succeed, brands must know precisely where their audience consumes content and meet them there.’

For UK comms professionals, the task is to treat this new landscape not as a maze to get lost in, but as a map full of alternative routes. Because in 2025, the story doesn’t stop at publication – it starts there.

Want more on navigating this new media landscape? Check out the full story in Vuelio’s latest report ‘How news travels in today’s fragmented media environment’.

Beyond the front page

Beyond the front page: A playbook for agency PR in a fragmented media world

For agency professionals in public relations, communications, and public affairs, the old PR playbook is officially out, with the traditional, top-down method of disseminating information – pitching your press release to a national, getting a front-page splash, and watching your story spread – a thing of the past. Today, comms operates on a fragmented map with no clearly marked course forward.

This multi-platform media environment, defined by complex and unpredictable story journeys, is a fresh field of opportunity for comms professionals who understand its new rules. For agencies, it’s a time to update strategies, redefine what success means for clients, and integrate public affairs and media relations efforts more closely than ever before.

To help, here are key pointers for agencies:

1. Redefine ‘Success’: Niche is the new national

Despite the huge variety of platforms out there, plenty of clients continue to put pressure on agencies for a front-page splash. But a story doesn’t have to hit the front page of a national newspaper to reach a significant audience.

Analysing a specific story’s journey highlights the different routes available to agencies and their brands. Tracking coverage and conversation around the topic of ‘AI for Heart Health’, for example, shows that tabloid coverage shouldn’t be the ultimate aim for every campaign.

This story’s spread was rooted in organic, community-driven conversation, starting on forums, and moving to academic papers, journals, and websites, successfully reaching very specific, and highly valuable, stakeholder audiences.

A crucial distinction for agency client management – volume alone doesn’t tell the whole story. Reaching a small but highly-engaged audience of experts, academics, or policymakers can be far more valuable than a fleeting mention on a national broadcast.

This also applies to formats. While radio coverage volume might dwarf that of podcasts, for example, the latter has a dedicated audience of downloaders, much more likely to be engaged with the content. For our clients, landing that perfect niche podcast could be a more strategic win than a dozen scattered radio clips.

Which stories find a home on which platforms?

2. Manage the ‘pinball machine’ of politics

Public affairs and politics are now almost inseparable from PR, and should be considered as part of any campaign.

Vuelio’s Kelly Scott describes public interest stories as potential ‘pinballs’, that can ‘hit a political buffer, bouncing around further, racking up more coverage… potentially distorting the story if it becomes politicised for party gain.

Kelly Scott quote

‘If your media team and public affairs team are following stories separately, and using a siloed engagement plan… you are missing a huge opportunity,’ she warns.

Political and regulatory attention – like CMA investigations – can prolong a narrative’s lifecycle significantly, and land them in unexpected sectors. Reporting around the RAAC crisis, for example, received more coverage in Regional outlets than in the expected Construction & Property sector. The story of surge pricing received surprisingly little coverage in law-focused outlets, despite questions from online audiences about its legality.

How stories spread across media channels

For agencies, mapping stakeholders is a solid starting point, but so too is being prepared for a story to be picked up by actors with their own agendas.

When a story becomes politicised, agencies must be ready to:

– Correct misinformation at pace and offer good data.
Engage directly with the media and political influencers involved.
– Motivate third-party stakeholder voices to add credibility and balance.

3. Find the connectors to break through the echo chamber

Despite all the interconnected platforms that make up the modern media landscape, it can still become severely siloed.

Coverage of surge pricing provides a clear example of this – broadsheets focused on issues around labour and fairness, alongside regulatory and market implications, while tabloids centred instead on drawbacks for the general public, with the price of concert tickets a recurring element.

Audiences for each largely stayed in their own echo chambers and weren’t exposed to diverse and different takes on the issue.

The value agencies can bring is bridging such silos by identifying the connectors. For the story of surge pricing, these are national broadcasters (which provide a shared space), specific interest publications (like LADBible or Sky Sports, that reach audiences across class lines), and influencers/experts (projecting a story across very different groups – Martin Lewis is just one example).

These connectors are a vital part of a modern media relations strategy, providing opportunities to break a story out of a single, self-reinforcing narrative.

4. Master the Two-Track Story

One of the curious parts of media fragmentation is how a single topic can spread in distinct ways that never intersect. AI for Heart Health coverage from the first half of 2025 did exactly this:

Track 1: The technical, medical story. This lived in academic or medical publications, and among niche communities and forums online. It reached a limited, but highly engaged, group of professionals, academics, and autodidacts.

Track 2: The mainstream story. When a specific angle of ‘smart pyjamas’ crossed over, it appeared in outlets including Daily Mail and The Mirror, but skipped spaces that ordinarily play host to more technical discussions.

Monitoring niche publications and social spaces to understand which stories have the capacity to break through into the mainstream is vital for agencies working with a variety of clients.

5. Ditch ‘Social First’

Still pitching ‘social first’ strategies? You could already be falling behind.

As Sean Allen-Moy, Head of Media Relations Strategy at Burson, puts it:

Sean Allen-Moy quote on media fragmentation

‘The concept of a ‘social first’ strategy is outdated. The reality is “social everywhere, always”.’

Tracking coverage of the zero hour contract ban in the UK bears this out. While the story was driven by personal experiences and work advocacy shared on social platforms, this fueled broadcast segments and column inches, which are always in need of case studies. Forget traditional media at your peril.

Monitoring and understanding the interplay between traditional coverage, social sharing, and forum-based discussion is a must – agencies must identify where audiences consume content and meet them there.

Andre Labadie quote

‘It’s endlessly fascinating how stories evolve, but it presents a real challenge for brands to fuel the fire – or put it out in some cases – across so many, constantly changing platforms and algorithms,’ says Brands2Life Exec Chair, Business & Technology André Labadie.

‘Using (increasingly AI-enhanced) listening and analytics tools to identify emerging trends through social is key so you can influence the narrative in its infancy. This is really changing how brands can take control of issues early and predict how they’re likely to evolve.

‘What definitely hasn’t changed is the need to add something new to the story, stay close to the media to develop new angles at the right time, and then use all the relevant platforms to amplify it.’

6. Follow the new PR playbook

This fragmented landscape demands a fluid strategy. As Amy Chappell, Head of Insights at Vuelio, puts it, a story is ‘no longer a fixed communication, but a fluid journey shaped by who picks it up and how it is retold’.

The agency playbook must be built on adaptability:

Think Ecosystem, Not Endpoint: Stop treating media coverage as the finish line. Instead, build responsive strategies that anticipate how stories will evolve across platforms.

Reframe Monitoring as Navigation: Tracking coverage isn’t about counting clips. It’s about understanding how narratives are reframed to know exactly when to step in, clarify, or amplify.

Embed Adaptability: Build flexibility into campaigns. This means having spokespeople and expert commentators ready to engage quickly to retain a degree of control in unpredictable times.

For agencies willing to embrace this complexity, the opportunities are immense. Moving from linear pitching to dynamic navigation can prove the indispensable value of agency support to clients and prospects.

Want more on navigating this new landscape? Check out the full story in Vuelio’s latest report ‘How news travels in today’s fragmented media environment’.

Health in focus: Budget 2025 run up

Health in focus: Run-up to the Budget

As Labour continues to slide in most polls, tensions between Secretary of State for Health and Social Care Wes Streeting and the British Medical Association (BMA) continue to surge.

Most recently, the BMA rejected another pay offer from the Government which included covering the cost of exam fees and greater training capacity. Streeting has said the strikers are ‘unnecessary and irresponsible’, the state will not be held to ransom by the doctors and challenged the notion that a 28.9% increase in pay was not the ‘crumbs’ that was being described. With the NHS experiencing its highest demand over the summer and the inevitable winter crisis that looms in the near future, the importance of maintaining the supply of healthcare is paramount. The issue that looms for Streeting is that he must balance the ‘whip’ of the Treasury, who already is squeezed for cash, with the ambitious targets on elective waiting lists which become hampered by the strikes over pay.

To counter these waiting lists, the Labour Government is keen to stress the importance of innovation in the NHS, with what seems like daily press releases on a new technology or pilots that will improve access, speed up care, and cut down the waiting lists. Despite this, the constant recurring theme seems to stick to ‘money’. On the macro level, last year’s Budget saw a £29bn uplift to fund the inherited crisis and on the micro level, both the resident doctor strikes and the crisis in pharmaceutical investment, shows that innovative string to Streeting’s ‘bow’ can only go so far, and he inevitably ends up at the door of No. 11. Kemi Badenoch would likely tell you to ban the strikes to free up cash that could be sent to the pharmaceutical industry, a decision that could implode any state relationship with resident doctors and the BMA. This would likely harm productivity and efficient healthcare, but more widely for Labour, any worsening of tensions with the health workforce would strike a dark tone for the Government of disavowing the very labour it names itself after.

Elsewhere, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) appeared in front of the Science, Innovation and Technology Committee to explain their involvement in life sciences investments. A key criticism of NICE has been on their QALY threshold, which has remained at £20,000-£30,000. CEO Dr. Sam Roberts specifically outlined that the QALY threshold is designed to model how the public see the health-to-cost ratio for the length and quality of life. The process of QALY’s, notably through the EQ-5D-5l assessments, was also criticised due to its subjectivity and limitations in assessing chronic illnesses. In PMQs last week, Jonathan Brash criticised NICE for not permitting omaveloxolone to treat Friedreich ataxia on the grounds that it couldn’t be classified as an ultra-rare disease. Fundamentally, NICE is being criticised by two sides of the same coin, one, to expand medicine provision to improve health outcomes, and the other, to expand provision to decrease life sciences disinvestment. In the committee, Dr. Sam Roberts noted that movement of the threshold is ultimately a Government decision and will either come at a cost to the public purse or will lead to cash being strapped from other areas in health or the wider economy.

In Parliament, two high-profile Bills have begun to make their way through committee stage, the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill and the Tobacco and Vapes Bill. The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill has drawn up a strong level of media attention and is now in the process of being scrutinised by the Lords. The Lords have held oral evidence sessions for the Bill, an uncommon process for Bill committees but one that highlights the desire to scrutinise the Bill further. This included a session with relevant stakeholders from New Zealand who previously implemented a similar Bill titled End of Life Choice Act in 2022. Members heard of the threat of the Bill’s expansion through bureaucracy and the challenges it brought to palliative care, as well as the benefits of gratitude and relief that the Bill brought to families. Notably, with a recent NAO report finding that nearly two thirds of adult hospices reported a financial deficit in 2023-24, any further burden placed on this sector through the administrative complexity and social consequences of assisted dying legislation could further jeopardise any stability left in the sector.

One of the most prominent recent Parliamentary debates was on baby loss, tabled by Andy MacNae as part of Baby Loss Awareness Week. The debate included powerful speeches from Members of Parliament, some of whom had personal experiences to share. The debate highlighted the failures of maternity care, which have prompted the national investigation into maternity and neonatal care. This included experiences of ‘overt racism’ and clear cases of avoidable harm and loss. In a written response to one of the debate’s contributors Bobby Dean, Streeting highlighted how families have often felt abandoned, ignored, and damaged by the health services they are supposed to rely on. He also took note to recognise the importance of mental health support for mothers and families on the ward. As well as the national investigation, Streeting also noted work undertaken by Tommy’s into a ‘graded model of care’ for miscarriage including in bereavement support, health advice and risk assessments.

In October, Streeting also met with celebrity Vicky Pattison who has been a strong campaigner against medical misogyny following her experiences being diagnosed with Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder (PMDD). Streeting committed to involving Pattison in the upcoming Women’s Health Strategy and including medical misogyny as a fundamental aspect. With this coming alongside an announcement that menopause will be included in routine NHS Health Checks, and the confirmation that the Women’s Health Strategy will be published next year, the Department for Health and Social Care has used recent weeks as a ‘policy blitz’ for their mission to remedy women’s health care and health disparities more widely.

In total, the last month has shown us that even in the philanthropic nature of healthcare, cash is king. Recent reports running up to the Budget speculate that tax increases are likely in order to safeguard the £53bn of new funding for the NHS. If it wasn’t clear from commitments set out in the Spending Review, the Spring Statement and the last Autumn Budget, the NHS, and cutting its waiting lists, is a boundless priority. Nevertheless, Streeting will have to tackle the clamour for more funding from the different prongs of the healthcare sector. Most prominently, the strikes remain a threat to both his political credibility and public sector productivity.

Housing and construction

Digging in on Labour’s New Towns

On the opening day of their annual party conference (28 September), the Government issued its initial response to the New Towns Taskforce alongside the publication of the Taskforce’s final report.

The Report sets out a comprehensive series of recommendations on how to plan and deliver new settlements of 10,000 homes or more. Central to this is the identification of twelve potential new town sites, selected through existing evidence, a call for submissions, and assessment against clear criteria. Each of these new towns has been recommended by the Taskforce for its potential to deliver on the following objectives: whether sites can unlock or support economic growth, accelerate housing delivery, provide housing for strong communities and contribute to transforming the way that large settlements are delivered.

In its response, the Government endorsed all twelve sites. Housing Minister Matthew Pennycook described them as ‘particularly promising as sites that might make significant contributions to unlocking economic growth and accelerating housing delivery’. Of these, three (Tempsford in Bedfordshire, Leeds South Bank, and Crews Hill in north London) were singled out as extra promising for driving growth and accelerating housing delivery. The Government pledged to ‘get the spades in the ground’ on these within the lifetime of this Parliament. Final decisions, however, remain contingent on a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), due in Spring 2026, which will evaluate the environmental impacts of new town development. Alongside this, the Government has broadly committed to exploring the Taskforce’s recommendations through a set of formal processes.

As ever, the real test will be delivery. The Government’s response is arguably subdued on one of the Taskforce’s central points: the need for sustained consensus-building and public participation in both shaping and governing new communities. Without clear, national-level commitments to high standards in placemaking and delivery at the outset, the ambitions outlined risk slipping into aspirational rhetoric rather than actionable policy. On finance, the tone is equally cautious, while funding is promised in principle, detail is deferred.

Meanwhile, organisations such as the Chartered Institute of Housing (CIH) have welcomed both the Taskforce’s report and the Government’s ambition, but stress that success depends on more than hitting housing targets. As the CIH argues, new towns must ‘go beyond housing numbers to create sustainable, inclusive communities with appropriate services, transport, green spaces and a strong commitment to social and affordable homes’.

Party Conferences 2025: Health in focus

Party Conferences 2025: Health in focus

The last month brought the annual rendition of party conferences and it wouldn’t be controversial to say that health took a back seat this year, in the wake of wide-spread political discourse on immigration, free speech and the war in the Middle East. This state of play is an indictment of how Reform UK, a party with five seats in Parliament, have been able to warp the political and media landscape in their interests; keeping the ball in their court as they lead some polls by over ten points.

This absence of health in political commentary can be encapsulated by Shadow Secretary of State for Health Stuart Andrew’s speech to the Conservative Party Conference. Andrew offered little in regard to policy alternatives but used his speech to hold a debate with four interested members in the health space, including a former swimmer, a former minister, a GP, and a think tank chief executive. The panel spoke on technological innovation, prevention, primary care prioritisation and social care reform respectively. Interestingly, the first three causes are positions championed by the Government in the 10-Year Health Plan, occupying all three of the symbolic shifts. Andrew also affirmed that the Conservatives were prepared to agree and work to form cross-party solutions with Labour, with his vision of a patient-centred and innovation-harnessing health service. In this sense, Andrew, at least from this speech and the content of his panel, would struggle to differentiate himself from a junior minister at the Department of Health and Social Care.

A more interesting insight from the Conference was a fringe event titled Realising the Potential of Life Sciences: How can the UK compete. As a member of the panel, Shaun Grady, Chair of AstraZeneca UK, took aim at the UK’s life sciences landscape, in particular, its aversion to the adoption of innovation. He said that the NICE threshold budget was out-dated and appalling, and other competitors both in Europe and across the world offer a better environment and incentives for innovative investment. Grady’s comments come amid a row between the Department of Health and Social Care and big pharma over drug prices. Recently, MSD, an American pharmaceuticals company, scrapped its investment in a £1bn expansion in London, citing that the UK government had undervalued life sciences investment for too long. With Lord Vallance, Science Minister, calling for ‘necessary’ price increases, and now reports confirming that Ministers are preparing increases, it seems like the big business may have got its way. No doubt Wes Streeting will be committed, especially given the constrained state of public finances, to not be held to ransom.

Elsewhere, in September, the Liberal Democrats passed a policy motion titled ‘Getting Emergency Care Back on Track’ which calls on the Government to end corridor care by the end of the parliament, fix the social care system, tackle staff shortages, and guarantee safer emergency services through more qualified clinicians and mental health crisis services. For the Liberal Democrats, social care is a dominant issue, with Helen Morgan, Health Spokesperson, saying that the Casey Commission being published in 2028 is far too late, an absence of leadership, and is the most important issue she would raise to the Prime Minister.

In Zack Polanski’s speech at the Green Party’s conference he promised to protect the NHS. Besides this, health featured little at their conference, with the only potential explanation for solving the NHS being found in a wealth tax to help fund better care. Critics, including the Labour Government, would argue that this would just be supplementing the status quo that has put the NHS into disarray in many areas of the UK. Further substance to their ‘eco-populist’ health ambitions will have to be seen. Reform UK, the leading party in the polls, have been laser-focused on issues away from health. In a similar capacity to the Greens, there are promises to fix the health service, with little policy substance to back it up from the conference. Nigel Farage has almost become synonymous with privatising the NHS; where this has gone from, in cases, a mere rumour to now being peddled by Labour ministers on social media and the Prime Minister in PMQs. Reform have tried to shut this down previously, including in a social media post released in April; but it would be no surprise to see this line repeated in the coming months ahead of the upcoming Senedd and Holyrood elections, in hopes to deter voters from Reform and the slippery slope that a change in the funding model could create.

At the Labour Party conference, Wes Streeting pushed this exact line again, warning against an insurance-based system and condemning the ‘post-truth’ politics and ‘con artist’ antics that are pushed by the right of politics and Farage. He also warned against Reform’s immigration stance which could see NHS workers deported even after decades of service. Rather, voters should vote for the successes of the current administration in line with the three shifts, ones that Streeting has unambiguously heralded; whether that is through AI innovation, which can be seen in recent announcements on breast cancer screening and smart glasses, or the extra emphasis and resourcing of community primary care services to drive prevention and early treatment.

With the 10-Year Health Plan growing more distant, emphasis has turned to delivery, and just last week, Streeting appointed a new special adviser, Matthew Hood OBE, to assist on this in the department’s delivery unit. The last month also saw a host of new announcements, including procurement shifting from ‘cost-first’ to ‘patient-first’, the publication of NHS trust league tables, GP appointments to be opened up to all hours of the day, and the announcement of NHS Online by the Prime Minister. The aim is to begin the action set out in the Plan and its three shifts, and deliver clear improvements. In this case, an overachievement in productivity to 2.7% is a strong sign for Streeting. Success in the health sector could be a potential saving grace for the Labour party, acting as a key vehicle in leveraging the success of a Labour Government in the upcoming devolved elections.

Elsewhere, Streeting took aim at the British Medical Association (BMA) again, who have resisted reforms and pay offers. He sharply warned that clinging to conservatism could turn the NHS into a ‘museum’. Earlier in September, Streeting spoke at a meeting of the BMA asking for them to take an ‘olive branch’ and form a ‘partnership’ to save the NHS. Streeting has got a difficult task of juggling two seemingly competing forces, expansive innovation and a constrained workforce, and currently, accounting for both in the maximum seems unlikely. Inevitably, social care sits on the margins in the political space, but the announcement of a fair pay agreement, backed by £500m investment, could prove pivotal in solving workforce tensions and has been welcomed as a positive step forward by the sector. However, with a final report expected from the Casey Commission in 2028, it does not seem that social care will move at the speed and certainty that Streeting has commanded the health service to do so.

With political focus and attention elsewhere and opposition to his policy plans few and far between, the party conference season highlighted how Streeting has a clear mandate to deliver. His success in turning around the ‘broken’ NHS and social care system could be crucial to Labour’s future in Government. But, as some might argue, it may also be an opportunity for Streeting to prove himself to be a formidable replacement for the struggling Starmer.

Why comms can't ignore politics

The impact of regulation on reputation: Why comms teams can’t ignore politics

The Online Safety Bill, the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act, upcoming HFSS legislation changes, and Net Zero targets – did you factor these legislation updates into comms strategies for your business, and clients?

As made clear by the impacts of these regulations on the UK business landscape, staying out of politics is not a viable option for comms teams. Being aware of what’s happening in Westminster isn’t just a bonus skill – it’s a core competency that’s essential for risk management, opportunity spotting, and strategic counsel.

For practical advice for staying ahead in these politically-charged times, check out this round-up of advice from those in the industry successfully weaving political know-how into their brand and client strategies.

How politics permeates PR

Politics influences and intersects with every aspect of our daily lives, and this is no different for organisations.

Kerry Parkin, founder of the Remarkables, believes the issue is two-fold for comms:

1) Politics drives the agenda. The geopolitical world is moving faster than ever, often dictating the speed and direction of media and stakeholder conversations. Take tariffs as an example: a major political decision, well signposted in advance, can suddenly make or break something as straightforward as a tequila launch. If your product, business or brand is touched by political or geopolitical events, it must be factored into your mindset, planned for, and executed around, even through, the disruption.

2) Timing is everything. If you are pitching stories on the very day a budget lands, you can kiss goodbye to any meaningful coverage. Without political awareness, teams risk wasting opportunities and undermining credibility by being out of sync with the national conversation.’

In fact, a lack of political know-how can be poison for public relations, as Anton Greindl, director, public affairs, at the Tilton Consultancy explains:

‘Without a working grasp of the political agenda, agencies can drift away from their clients’ real priorities. If you don’t track policy and regulation, you mistime launches, miss stakeholder expectations, and risk using messages that are about to become politically toxic or legally constrained.

‘You also lose earned opportunities, such as select committee calls for evidence, regulator consultations, media windows, because you’re reacting after the fact. Policy literacy is the difference between PR being a noticeboard and PR being a strategic lever for revenue, risk, and reputation.’

Reputation could be the first casualty of a lack of awareness:

‘Without political awareness of the now and what’s upcoming, PR teams risk aligning their clients with narratives that are outdated, or even damaging,’ says Claire Crompton, commercial director at TAL Agency.

‘Politically and socially, society evolves daily – the political sphere is continuously shifting. Managing a brand must be timely in the wider context of society, without anticipating what’s ahead, PR teams are essentially navigating blindfolded.’

The role of political monitoring

While it’s impossible to be present for every PMQs, there are tools to help you keep on top of what’s happening in politics.

Laura Moss, managing partner, Parisi explains what political monitoring can do:

‘A good example of monitoring in practice came when we picked up on emerging Home Office policy proposals to ban critical national infrastructure (CNI) owners and operators from making ransomware payments.

‘We immediately flagged this to a client, the cybersecurity specialist team at a global law firm, and worked with them to provide rapid legal and policy analysis. Within hours, we were able to take their expert commentary to targeted media outlets, ensuring they were among the first voices shaping the debate. This not only positioned the client as a go-to authority on ransomware policy but also strengthened their relationships with journalists covering cyber and national security.’

Monitoring can provide the warning signs for potential crises on the horizon, believes Kerry:

‘It allows PR teams to anticipate rather than react. I saw this first-hand during my time at Costa, when Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall launched his campaign against paper cups. At the time, we treated it as purely a media issue. What we did not realise was that the subject had been raised at Prime Minister’s Questions a month earlier.

‘Political monitoring would have flagged that in advance and given us the chance to prepare the business and the narrative more effectively.’

Another example with huge ramifications for comms and wider industries – the uncertainty around TikTok’s continuing availability in the United States earlier this year:
‘In one fell swoop, this would have disenfranchised millions of young Americans from a channel that they could identify with, and would have cost the platform and its advertising partners, and brands that rely on it, millions in revenue,’ explains Yasper founder Julian Pearce.

‘Businesses from all corners need to be aware of the threats, and the potential fragility of their relationships.’

Political awareness is needed globally, nationally, but also locally, adds Katie Nelson, director and head of construction at Cartwright:

‘Recent months and years demonstrate this perfectly with a power change in Number 10, new housing targets and national infrastructure strategies, and changing cabinets. By being tapped into that political space, we’re able to work with clients on how best to navigate changes from a communications perspective – which as PR pros, we know the role comms has to play.’

Moving from passive observation to proactive strategy

What comms teams do with the information is what makes the difference – reacting to what’s happening in the political sphere, but also taking a proactive stance:

‘On its own, data is useful,’ says Laura. ‘But the real value comes from PR consultants interpreting it and adding their knowledge and insights on the potential business impact, then advising clients on how they may or may not wish to respond. By turning monitoring into actionable insight, PR teams can help clients shape communications strategies and identify opportunities for engagement with policymakers or industry bodies.’

Anton agrees:

‘Too many consultancies follow the same pre-packaged newsletters from a narrow set of public affairs – specific outlets, which limits scope and insight. While these are extremely useful in our day to day, every practitioner should skim the key national and international papers each morning, plus at least one business title, one sector trade and the relevant regulator feeds. Go to the source, such as government portals, consultations, committees and statistical releases, rather than relying solely on pre-focused summaries. And I believe we should close the loop weekly with a short, internal, client-specific briefing that covers what changed, why it matters, and the recommended actions.’

In summary, ignore what’s happening in Parliament at your peril…

Your stakeholders will care, so should you, says Jan Christoph Bohnerth, CEO of Life Size.

‘Communications teams can and should go beyond simply tracking when a new bill or regulation is introduced. It’s now also about anticipating how different stakeholders are likely to move, and communications has an important role to play in influencing and shaping public discourse. Done well, this gives PR teams the intelligence to stay ahead, guide strategy and achieve the best possible outcomes for their clients or organisations.’

‘Those that fall short tend to be the ones cutting back in political and communications engagement,’ warns Kerry.

‘In today’s environment, that is short sighted. Now is the time to be investing in these capabilities, not retreating from them, because the political and media landscape is only becoming more complex and uncertain.’

‘The takeaway for PR is simple,’ adds Anton. ‘When politics moves, lead with substance, consistency and implementation detail.

‘Treat policy milestones like a content calendar, make your spokespeople useful to the debate, and ensure every message is anchored to actions the organisation is taking next.’

Tap into what’s happening in politics with Vuelio Political Monitoring and our Political Database. Want help with stakeholder management? Check out Vuelio Stakeholder Relationship Management

Liberal Democrat Conference 2025

Liberal Democrat Conference overview: A pushback against the infiltration of ‘Trumpian’ politics

Written by Aidan Stansbury and Billy Barham, Vuelio Political Team. 

The Liberal Democrat Conference saw no halt in Sir Ed Davey’s relentless bombardment of the right wing of politics. In fact, it reinvigorated his arguments, as he pushed against what he described as Trumpian-style politics infiltrating, by proxy, across the Atlantic.

In his closing speech, Davey did not hesitate to call out the US president, challenging him on the flight of medical researchers from the US, and his claims regarding autism in children caused by paracetamol. Further, Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs Callum Miller’s speech was dominated with anti-Trump rhetoric, accusing the UK of bending over backwards for the US. Davey also used the conference to further take aim at Elon Musk, lengthening their public dispute from X to the shores of Bournemouth. The party has called for criminal charges against Musk for the language used at the Unite the Kingdom march a few weeks ago. The anti-Trump notion was reiterated by Sir Nick Clegg, who confirmed he would not be returning to politics after leaving Meta as President of Global Affairs earlier this year. In a fringe event on Big Tech, AI and Political Conflict, the former Deputy Prime Minister did not hold back on his criticisms of the ‘special relationship’, branding the UK’s dependence on the US as embarrassing and increasingly ‘cringey’. He warned that the UK would soon have to choose between the US and the EU to protect its values and sovereignty.

It would be hard to argue that Nigel Farage, Reform UK Leader, was not a contending protagonist of the conference, absorbing the closing speech titled ‘Don’t let Trump’s America become Farage’s Britain’. The Liberal Democrats have worked to jointly connect the attitudes of Donald Trump and his ‘number one cheerleader’ Nigel Farage, accusing him of being anti-democratic and anti-patriotic, with little interest in advancing the UK. Given that Reform UK only has five seats in Parliament, it is clear the party is looking to the future, guided by opinion polls, where Reform UK could sweep up country-wide disillusionment with the current establishment. Davey’s ploy here is to challenge the UK’s cosying up to the US administration, both through Labour’s desire ‘to do everything to appease Trump’ and Reform UK’s Trumpian political ambitions. To supplement this argument, Liberal Democrats gave out toy lego characters of Farage named ‘Plastic Patriotic’, complete with a MAGA hat and a boot for the Farage figure to lick. Davey has said the Liberal Democrats have a moral obligation to tackle Reform UK and are unwilling to back down to the bullies on the right, positioning the party as a centrist ‘pro-business’ alternative.

In regard to the incumbent Government, the Liberal Democrats’ rhetoric has become
increasingly critical. Davey, in his closing speech, argued that the Government was testing the patience of voters, lurching from one crisis to another. The Government, he said, was hurting pensioners, carers, and farmers across the UK. He implied that the damage to public trust was irreparable, suggesting that the decisions of voters would now be between the Liberal Democrats or Reform UK. A bold move to completely disassociate the established parties, looking to capitalise on shifting opinion polls and public disillusionment.

The former minister for schools David Laws and the Liberal Democrat Spokesperson (Education, Children and Families) Munira Wilson both questioned the Government’s political strategy. They claimed that caution and a lack of strategic vision had meant that the Government’s stuttering start to power was focused on minimal evolution rather than revolution. They believed the public could feel this tension and that it was the party’s duty to present an optimistic vision of the future to challenge the right.

Further, a key theme across the conference was the shared belief in the importance of community and that locally-led solutions were critical to deep rooted political issues and as a vehicle for systemic change. Baroness Pinnock, Liberal Democrat Lords Spokesperson for Housing, Communities and Local Government went further, directing criticism towards the Government’s stance on devolution. She argued that the Government’s interpretation of devolution is fundamentally flawed and lacked key democratic principles, warning against the assumption that devolution will automatically lead to a more prosperous future on a local and national level. Separately, Angus MacDonald criticised the Government direction on energy and the just transition, arguing that it had alienated the rural economy and had been done to the public rather than with them.

Fundamentally, the Liberal Democrat conference showed a key signal that the party is willing to stand up and fight off the right of politics; whether that is tackling the Conservatives in a hope to outmuscle them at the next election, or, more prominently, warn potential voters away from the perceived dangerous Trumpian ambitions of Nigel Farage. In doing so, the Liberal Democrats aim to offer an optimistic future for the UK, one which they believe Labour is unable to provide.

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Clean energy and net zero

Labour Milestones Review: Home-grown energy and net zero goals

Labour came to power in July 2024 with a clear ambition: to make Britain a clean energy superpower. It promised that the benefits of this mission would be felt across all parts of the UK, from lower bills and protection from volatile fossil fuel markets, to the creation of jobs and greater investment and growth opportunities in British industries and industrial heartlands. Labour has insisted that its clean energy ambitions are achievable and has undertaken actions to change the face of the UK’s energy landscape already. However, confronted with an increasingly fractured consensus around net zero and an unstable geopolitical backdrop, achieving the clean power mission will be no small feat. So, one year on, how much progress has Labour made since its election?

Labour’s flagship target of clean power by 2030 is arguably one of its most ambitious. With 2030 just five years away, achieving the target will require radical reforms to the UK’s energy system, to be delivered at pace. Labour’s first few months in office saw the party hit the ground running. Within days of coming to power, the Government lifted the de facto ban on onshore wind introduced by the Conservatives in 2016, and announced a new partnership between the Crown Estate and Great British Energy, the Government’s publicly-owned energy company, to support the development of clean energy infrastructure. Last year also saw Labour deliver a record budget allocation for the next Contracts for Difference auction round, and the Government’s clean power delivery unit, Mission Control, published its Clean Power Action Plan, outlining the roadmap to 2030. Other significant milestones during Labour’s tenure have included the closure of the UK’s last coal-fired power station and Scotland’s only oil refinery, as well as the Government’s commitment of over £14bn to build the first nuclear power station in over three decades, Sizewell C.

However, these milestones, while historic, have not come without challenges, and have been beset with criticism from across the spectrum. The last year has seen a shift in the Conservative Party’s stance towards net zero, with its leader Kemi Badenoch now describing the net zero by 2050 target as ‘impossible’, and one that cannot be achieved ‘without a serious drop in [living standards].’ Reform UK has been equally as vocal in its opposition to the Government’s clean energy ambitions, arguing that ‘net stupid zero’ is ‘destroying’ jobs, and leading to higher energy bills and deindustrialisation in the UK.

A report from the Tony Blair Institute in April captured this breakdown in the political consensus around net zero, highlighting the ‘widening credibility gap’ at the heart of climate change policies and that the current climate debate is ‘broken.’ Despite this political noise around net zero, recent polling revealed that the public’s support of climate action is holding strong. However, with Brits currently paying some of the world’s highest electricity prices; an increasing loss of jobs in oil and gas industries; and the NIMBY argument looming large, Labour face a challenge in keeping the public onside as it moves full steam ahead towards net zero. The question remains whether the promise of lower energy bills and benefits for communities hosting clean energy infrastructure will be enough to garner support for the net zero transition, and whether the rise of the Reform party will derail the Government’s plans and steer the public towards a different path.

Looking ahead, Labour has a task on its hands to drive forward the momentum behind its clean energy mission, and ensure that the public, industry and investors are brought along with it. Will the UK become a clean energy superpower, or will Labour’s net zero policies, in the words of Badenoch, ‘bankrupt’ British industries and its people?

For more on how the Labour Government is delivering on its promises, read the Vuelio Political team’s take on housing, children’s wellbeing, the NHS, living standards, and policing

Raising living standards

Labour Milestones Review: Raising living standards

As the summer of 2025 draws to a close, the Government’s milestone to ‘raise living standards so working people have more money in their pockets’ sits in a complex economic landscape. Polling patterns suggest that inflation continues to weigh heavily on public perceptions of economic competences and while inflation has eased from the peaks of the cost-of-living crisis it remains at around 3.6%, above the Bank of England’s 2% target. Moreover, for many households, the modest GDP growth of 0.3% in the last quarter offers little tangible relief when combined with rising unemployment, now at its highest level in four years.

Labour’s central interventions have focused on wage policy. In April, the National Living Wage rose by 6.7% to £12.21, with projections to reach at least £12.71 by next spring. Moreover, the Low Pay Commission’s remit has been expanded to consider cost-of-living measures when it makes future recommendations to the Government on the minimum wage.

However, surveys from Lancaster University suggest that almost half of workers have little left after covering essential bills, with low-income households especially doubtful that wages will keep pace with rising costs. Similarly, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation calculates that average disposable incomes remain £400 below pre-pandemic levels, with the poorest fifth of households on course to see a 6% drop by 2030. The Resolution Foundation notes that for higher earners, apparent gains can be offset once the value of public services and tax changes is factored in, making any perception of improvement more reliant on service delivery than on disposable income alone.

A turning point came in the spring when the Government was forced to row back on some of its proposed reforms to disability benefits after a sharp backlash from campaigners, charities, and backbench MPs. Although the U-turn avoided a Labour rebellion, it created a gap in the Government’s fiscal plans; as planned savings from welfare reform were baked into the Budget’s forecasts. This gap will need to be filled, and attention is turning to the possibility of further tax rises in the autumn, a move that could complicate Labour’s narrative of helping working people keep more money in their pockets. According to the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, the Chancellor may now need to find more than £40bn of tax rises or spending cuts in the autumn budget to meet her fiscal rules.

Moreover, business groups warn that higher employer costs, from the NLW to National Insurance and the Employment Rights Bill currently going through Parliament, risk dampening investment and hiring. The CBI projects growth of just over one percent this year, enough to avoid recession but not enough to produce the rising tide needed to lift all boats.

The milestone of raising living standards was never going to be achieved within a single year, but by mid 2025 Labour’s progress feels somewhat incomplete. The challenge heading into the autumn spending round is to deepen and accelerate measures that deliver direct, visible benefits.

For more on how the Labour Government is delivering on its promises, read the Vuelio Political team’s take on its housing, policing, healthcare, and education commitments.

Labour Milestones Review: Education

Labour Milestones Review: Giving children the best start in life

During the 2024 General Election campaign, the Labour Party raised concerns that too many children arriving at primary school were not ready to learn. Across England, 33% of all children in the 2022/23 academic year were considered not school ready when starting reception. This included a quarter not having basic language skills and 30% being unable to communicate their needs to teachers. While the long-term implications of low school readiness are well researched, stakeholders called for the Government to act quickly to reduce the effects of poor spoken language, literacy and numeracy. They also noted that children from less affluent backgrounds face a high risk of low educational attainment, which could entrench intergenerational disadvantages.

In December 2024, the Government committed to increasing school readiness as part of its six key milestones for this parliament. The term ‘school readiness’ often refers to a child’s preparedness and their ability to succeed in school through cognitive, social, and emotional skills. It most commonly refers to children around the age of five and the start of formal education. A child’s development is considered ‘good’ if they meet the expected requirements across five early learning categories. These include communication, personal, social and emotional development, literacy, mathematics, and physical development. Assessments are made at the end of the Early Years Foundation Stage.

In its pledge, the Government has committed to increasing school readiness to 75% of all five-year-olds by 2028. Progress will be measured against children reaching a ‘good level of development’ across the five areas of learning in the Early Years Foundation Stage, and would mark an increase of 40,000 to 45,000 a year reaching the standard. In November 2024, the Department for Education reported that 67.7% of children in 2023/24 met a good level of development at the start of the academic year.

To meet this milestone, the Government has rolled out multiple initiatives across early years education, targeting improvements in accessibility, quality, family support and local services. The Government’s commitment to early childhood is centred around collaboration and partnership with parents, teachers, and communities. The Government’s strategy has included a £1.5bn commitment to structural reform across family services and early years education, and will work in tandem with broader Government strategies, including the 10-Year Health Plan.

Firstly, the Government has committed to reforming family services, critical to supporting early development. It is launching over 1,000 Best Start Family Hubs across the country by the end of 2028, ensuring that there is a hub situated in every local authority by April 2026. These services will also be integrated by a new national digital service, which will centralise information and guidance from local service providers for families.

The Government has also targeted accessibility and affordability for early education and care. This has included Government funded childcare which is reported to save families an average of £7,500 a year by providing 30 hours of childcare a week. The Government has stated that over 500,000 children are currently benefitting from the initiative. There have also been efforts to expand access to the early years sector, with up to 6,000 new places opening in school-based nurseries. The expansion marks efforts to reduce a regional attainment gap, with the majority of new nurseries opening in phase one in the North and the Midlands.

The strategy has also centred on inclusion and accountability. The Government has raised the Early Years Pupil Premium to its ‘highest level’ to increase support for low-income families, increased accountability through reforms to the frequency of Ofsted inspections and focused training support on evidence-based programs that support those identified with SEND. Broader reforms to the early years system are further being supported by targeted skills development and teacher retention to tackle a broader teaching ‘crisis’.

As the Government enters its second year in power, stakeholders have acknowledged the Government’s strategy as both wide-reaching and ambitious, with many noting the complexity and importance of improving school readiness. However, concerns have been raised about the plausibility of the ‘75%’ goal and the financial stability that is required to ensure a sustained and progressive rise in early years development. A survey by Schools Week indicated that 80% of teachers believe that the Government will miss its target.

The Sutton Trust, similarly to the Institute for Government, emphasised the scale of disparities in school readiness between different demographic groups. They noted that targeted intervention must be focused on the most deprived areas, where 51.5% of children from disadvantaged backgrounds reach school readiness by the age of five. The gap between children who are eligible for free school meals and their peers has widened since 2017 and poses a complicated challenge for the Government to address.

While there remains an acknowledgement of support in the Government’s efforts to reform early years education, how the Government tackles an increasing attainment gap will be crucial in reaching its milestone. The Government’s ability to resolve the issue at speed, whilst ensuring sustained financial support, will be critical to supporting vulnerable children and its overarching ambition of raising school readiness to 75% for all children at the age of five.

For more on how the Labour Government is delivering on its promises, read the Vuelio Political team’s take on its housing and policing commitments.

Labour milestones review hospital waiting lists

Labour Milestones Review: Clearing hospital waiting lists

Labour has placed fixing the ‘broken’ NHS at the core of its pre- and post-election political messaging, connecting this milestone intrinsically in its mandate; failure to improve the state of the NHS and the wider health sector would epitomise its governmental failure.

To prevent this, political messaging has been supplemented by policy. In the Autumn Budget, Spring Statement and Spending Review, the NHS and the Department for Health and Social Care emerged the real ‘winners’ with other departments picking up the scraps of funding left. Equally, in a June and July which saw strategies and sector plans published frequently, the 10 Year Health Plan was a key point of attention, taking large expansive steps hoping to revitalise the NHS through ‘major surgery, not sticking plasters’.

The dire state of the NHS is unequivocally clear, and Lord Darzi’s report, published in September 2024, found waiting lists at an all time high, up 200% since 2010. In 2020, there were 720,000 people waiting over 18 weeks for elective treatment. Following the pandemic spike and a steady increase since, in July 2024, upon Labour’s election, 2.85m people were waiting between 18 and 52 weeks, with a further 290,000 waiting over a year. This amounts to 58% of patients meeting the 18 week target, 34 percentage points shy of the milestone. Therefore, Labour’s challenge was and is still to inversely reflect this backlog, reversing the steady increase and going further to reach the 92% target, last met over ten years ago.

So far, as of May 2025, 60.9% of patients are waiting less than 18 weeks, thus, early signs point to a failure to reach this milestone, where the moderate improvements over the last year would reflect an eventual 75% rate, falling short of the target. Rebuttals to this will cite that the policies have had little time to bed in and are in the process of delivering the changes needed to innovate service, harness doctors’ capabilities, recruit new staff and tear through the backlog.

The 10 Year Health Plan sets out these changes. Firstly, one of the triad of core shifts is moving care from hospital to community. This involves reforming the NHS to the Neighbourhood Health Service, functioning as a one-stop shop for community-based care. This move, backed and called for by the sector, hopes to shift the culture of the operating model by directing the correct need and care into the community, freeing up NHS staff to deal with pertinent issues and tackle the backlog. Despite this, moving health to the community is nothing new, and has circulated health ministers’ discourse since the Blair Government. Thus, this calls into question, as highlighted by the Chief Executive of the Health Foundation Dr Jennifer Dixon DBE, whether ‘lessons have been learned’ from past failures. Further, harnessing technological innovation, another core shift, hopes to relieve the administrative burden placed on staff. Mechanisms such as the Single Patient Record, to store all patient data in one transferable place, should work to relieve staff of administrative duties and allow them to focus on providing care and working through the backlog.

Ultimately, as many large multi-year targets do, any improvements will have to be seen. But, with a clear mandate, health and care at the nucleus of Labour’s mission and clear policy put in motion, convincing excuses will be needed to explain any stalling improvements.

For more on how the Labour Government is delivering on its promises, read the Vuelio Political team’s take on its housing and policing commitments.

Labour milestones - policing

Labour Milestones Review: Law and order

Back in May last year, Keir Starmer and members of the then Shadow Cabinet launched the Labour Party’s ‘Steps for Change’, outlining actions their government would take towards achieving Starmer’s five missions. One of these steps was to ‘crack down on antisocial behaviour’, by having more police presence on our streets and introducing tougher new penalties for offenders. Then Shadow Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, noted that 90% of crime was essentially going unsolved under the Conservatives and pointed out that community confidence in policing was plummeting. In saying this, Cooper framed Labour not only as a party of law and order, but also as one capable of restoring trust. By promising visible action on antisocial behaviour, Labour sought to connect policing policy with broader public concerns about safety and social cohesion.

Less than a month after attaining office, riots broke out across the country following the Southport stabbings. The events served as an early stress test of the Government’s capacity to deliver on its law and order commitments. While the unrest highlighted the case for stronger police powers, it equally demonstrated that enforcement alone cannot address the root causes of disorder without parallel investment in community trust-building.

In October, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper made a statement following the acquittal of Sergeant Martyn Blake in the Chris Kaba case, setting out measures to improve accountability, standards, and public confidence in policing. She stressed the need to respect the jury’s verdict while recognising reduced public trust (particularly among Black communities) and long-standing problems in the police accountability system. These comments signalled an attempt to defuse tensions while maintaining political credibility with both police and minority communities.

Two major reports followed in late 2024 and early 2025 that painted a complex picture of public trust in policing. A YFF survey found that while Black teenagers were the most likely to say their local police do a good job, they and their mixed ethnicity peers were far less likely than White children to believe officers treat everyone fairly or use force only when necessary. In contrast, a Policy Exchange study suggested that ethnic minorities overall reported significantly higher levels of confidence and satisfaction in the police than White respondents. Taken together, these findings suggest that general perceptions of police effectiveness can coexist with deep concerns about fairness, particularly in day-to-day interactions.

In order to present the Labour Government as a guarantor of religious freedom and public order, the Government announced in March that they would be introducing new powers to protect places of worship from disruptive protests, as part of the Crime and Policing Bill. These measures aimed to help police manage protests near synagogues, mosques, churches, and other religious sites by setting clear conditions on protest routes and timings to prevent intimidation. Then in May, the Government also introduced new rules to ensure that police officers found guilty of gross misconduct are automatically dismissed (barring exceptional circumstances).

In terms of funding, Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced in last year’s Autumn Budget new measures changing employer national insurance contributions (NICs). In response, the Conservatives accused the Treasury of not conducting an impact assessment or consulting police forces on the changes prior to the announcement. Despite this, the Government announced in August that police officers across England and Wales would receive a 4.2% above-inflation pay rise, covering all ranks up to chief superintendent. It was also confirmed later that month that, for the financial year ending 31 March 2026, funding for policing in England and Wales would be up to £19.9bn.

This all comes as we still await the Government’s White Paper on police reform, which is due to be published at some point this year, focusing on governance, efficiency, and resource allocation. In the autumn, the Public Accounts Committee will also begin its inquiry on police productivity, questioning Home Office officials on financial constraints and how the department ensures police forces will deliver value for money going forward. The timing of the White Paper and the PAC inquiry could prove politically sensitive, as both will likely set the terms for future debates on whether the Government’s early interventions in policing have delivered measurable improvements, or whether its approach remains more rhetorical than results-driven.

For more on how the Labour Government is delivering on its promises, read the Vuelio Political team’s take on housing commitments. 

Labour Milestones Review: How is the Government doing on housing?

Labour’s return to power in last year’s election (their first win since 2005) came with a strong mandate to deliver meaningful change. Central to Labour’s manifesto was a commitment to build 1.5 million new homes, alongside immediate reforms to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF). The party also promised a generational investment in social housing and long-overdue reforms to fix the broken leasehold system and the private rented sector. Framing the new approach, Angela Rayner stated that ‘this Labour Government are on the side of the builders, not the blockers’—a clear signal of intent to move beyond the planning inertia and delivery shortfalls seen in recent years.

The Government’s flagship policy on housing was its pledge to build 1.5 million homes in this Parliament. While deemed a ‘stretch’ by Housing Minister Matthew Pennycook, shortly after the election, the Government established a New Homes Accelerator to take direct action on individual sites. This was later backed by the creation of a new National Housing Bank. Central to delivery has been reforming the planning system: restoring housing targets via an updated NPPF, reallocating poor-quality ‘grey belt’ land, and requiring councils to maintain a five-year land supply and an up-to-date local plan. Further measures in the Planning and Infrastructure Bill aim to modernise planning committees, delegate more decisions to officers, and streamline approvals for Nationally Significant Infrastructure Projects (NSIPs). To boost capacity, 300 additional planning officers are also being recruited. In addition to this, more support has been provided for SME builders through establishing a new ‘medium site’ category with reduced planning rules, and establishing a Small Sites Aggregator to unlock small sites which otherwise would not be developed.

However, planning reform alone won’t be enough. Industry leaders have consistently warned that without a significantly larger construction workforce, housing targets will remain out of reach. According to the Construction Industry Training Board (CITB), the sector needs to recruit around 47,860 additional workers each year between 2025 and 2029—amounting to nearly 240,000 new workers over five years. The Home Builders Federation (HBF), alongside major developers like Barratt Redrow, point to skills shortages, an ageing workforce, and the effects of Brexit as key challenges behind the shrinking labour pool.

In response, the Government has acknowledged a ‘dire shortage’ of construction workers and introduced a series of measures to address it. These include the creation of Skills England, a new national body focused on tackling skills gaps; a £600m investment in construction training; and the launch of a Construction Skills Mission Board with an ambition to recruit 100,000 new workers annually. While these initiatives signal a clear intent to turn the tide, many in the industry are waiting to see whether they will translate into meaningful change on the ground.

As mentioned, all of these commitments signal serious intent—but tracking their progress and ensuring their delivery will be key to turning policy into real change. It could also be argued that more needs to be done to make the political case that these changes will genuinely improve voters’ lives. Beyond boosting supply, the Government is also battling with deep-rooted challenges across the housing system. From tackling poor-quality existing stock—particularly in social housing and high-rise blocks—to rolling out the Warm Homes Plan, addressing homelessness, and reforming outdated rental and leasehold laws through the Renters’ Rights Bill, the scale of the task ahead remains vast.

10 Year Health Plan

Optimism and opportunity? The Government’s 10 Year Health Plan for England

On Thursday, Secretary of State for Health and Social Care Wes Streeting published the Government’s 10 Year Health Plan for England. Predicated by the Lord Darzi report published in September, the Plan sets out to offer both an optimistic vision of the future and opportunity for the NHS on the backdrop of a concrete diagnosis of the current state of play that the NHS must ‘reform or die’. The plan sets out to fix these issues, placing science and technological innovation at the core of its Plan, hoping to propel the NHS from behind the curve to leading from the front.

The Plan is structured on three big shifts. The first, from hospital to community, rewords the NHS to Neighbourhood Health Service, shifting service from hospital to community care. Neighbourhood Health Centres are the beginning of this, functioning as a ‘one-stop shop’ with centralised patient care harnessed by AI and technological advancements. According to the NHS Confederation, support is there for this move, with health leaders committed to a more preventative, community-based NHS. This offers a complete restructure and cultural shift in the operating model, where success could be a ‘real win’ as described by The King’s Fund in reaction to the plan. However, having been long argued for by the sector, the Chief Executive of the Health Foundation Dr Jennifer Dixon DBE says she is unsure whether ‘lessons have been learned’ from past failures. The shift to community care is welcomed by the sector overall, with the British Geriatrics Society highlighting the need for co-produced neighbourhood services that provide good outcomes for older people. Picker welcomes the Plan’s emphasis on placing patients at the centre, through improved feedback routes, ‘Patient Power Payments’, and personalised care plans, and ARCO who says the move will leave patients ‘better off’.

This shift also sets out how dentistry, community pharmacy, and mental health provision will be further localised in community hubs and health centres. In reaction, the British Psychological Society say bringing mental health services to the community will lead to better outcomes, helping people at the earliest access point. Going beyond, Mind has called for more to be done including a further comprehensive plan that places mental health at the centre of the new NHS in order to truly tackle its deterioration in society.

For the second shift, taking the NHS from ‘analogue to digital’ involves the innovation of NHS technology. This includes the introduction of a Single Patient Record to streamline patient health accounts in one place, accessible from all points of provision. The NHS App is set to be revolutionised with a host of ‘My’ tools to help ease booking of appointments, cut down on archaic waste, provide quick advice, and improve the management of patient care. A HealthStore will deliver new innovative apps to further aid the experience and AI will be utilised to ‘liberate’ staff from their bureaucracy. Technological advancements must also go hand-in-hand with productivity improvements and the Plan sets forward how tariffs, new contacts, pay incentives, and financial planning will help boost this metric.

Technological advancements are welcomed by the sector and seen by the Nuffield Trust as a ‘real game changer’. NICE, a key component of new technological changes, say the Plan gives them the power to get medicines to patients faster, distribute health technology and maximise value for money through innovation. However, there is concern, as pointed out by The King’s Fund, technological improvements have often been ‘big on promise but lacking in delivery’. Further, the Chief Executive at Public Digital Chris Fleming has said that technology, especially in the NHS app, will mask the actual failure of services and, as noted by the Royal College of Physicians, can only work if co-designed with patients and staff in mind. Thus, while welcomed for its innovative ambition, more certainty is required to demonstrate its benefits.

The final shift, from sickness to prevention, sets a precedent to stop ill health at source, raise the ‘healthiest generation of children ever’, protect preventable NHS costs, and support economic growth. This includes harnessing AI and genomics to advance predictive analysis and diagnosis. The Tobacco and Vapes Bill, the introduction of healthy food standards, new weight loss drugs, investment in active lifestyles, a point scheme that rewards healthy lifestyles, strict alcohol requirements also will all work to tackle preventable risk factors.

Turning the tide on risk factors is key to saving lives and costs, and is welcomed by many in the sector, including the RCP and Diabetes UK who respectively stress that tackling tobacco and preventing obesity are key to stopping life-altering long-term conditions. On the contrary to this sentiment, the Institute for Alcohol Studies says it’s ‘embarassing’ to launch a prevention plan that ignores the most effective way to reduce alcohol harm in Minimum Unit Pricing. Healthwatch, a member of the 10 Year Health Plan working groups, welcomes some preventive initiatives but highlights the absence of plans for those with disabilities and cost-of-living support which also stand as key risk factors.

More widely, it is easy to read a long-term plan or strategy and be consumed by the breadth of positive measures that, in accordance with their objectives, will deliver beneficial change. The real sticking point involves an assessment of what choices and trade-offs were made. A key point of this is social care, a concern raised by many in the health sector even when the 10 Year Plan was only hypothesised in 2024. The Plan today, set with the backdrop of pending Baroness Casey’s Review, does little to address these concerns. The British Geriatrics Society has said that without a ‘sustainable social care system the 10 Year Health Plan will find it hard to succeed’ and therefore, as described by The King’s Fund, the Plan hinges on ’whether the government is willing to act more urgently – or indeed at all – to implement social care reforms’. Similarly, the Health Foundation says the plan is too focused on just the NHS and not the Government’s ambition to rebuild the nation’s health, reflecting concern of adverse consequences outside the three shifts. Another common theme in reaction is a question of how, which still remains pertinent to many. The Nuffield Trust articulates this well, saying the Plan is trying to ‘heal thyself’ through efficiencies and feedback but does little to address actual needs. This question also holds whether there is the funding capacity, with a lower than historic average spend projected by the Spending Review, combined with the costs of moving care to community and technological innovation.

The public perception of the Plan is that it is ambitious and clear on its foundational pillars for reforming the NHS away from a looming ‘death’. It looks to bring the service to the neighbourhood, harnessing technology to drive efficiency, bolster patent care and clamp down on health risks. However, concerns remain on its feasibility, its affordability and the potential losers, such as social care.

Political monitoring

The top political monitoring platforms for PR, political, and public affairs professionals

Things move fast in politics. If you’re an organisation with political stakeholders, political monitoring you can rely on is a must.

For choosing the right platform for your needs, here are the best political monitoring platforms for those in PR and communications, public affairs, and marketing.

1) Vuelio

Political Monitoring is just one of the solutions the multiplatform Vuelio offers for those working in the PR, comms, marketing, media, political, and public affairs industries. Alongside an international media database, press release distribution, and campaign analysis solutions, and stakeholder management, Vuelio provides political monitoring and a fully integrated political database.

This comprehensive public affairs platform monitors everything happening across the UK’s Parliaments and Government departments, as well as important moves in the wider political ecosystem. Going beyond monitoring, Vuelio opens up the ability to directly engage with key political stakeholders and make meaningful contributions to policy. Find details for parliamentarians, special advisors, council leaders, and council chief executives, and get full visibility of conversations happening via traditional sources – parliament, committees, briefings, press, and blogs – as well as social media platforms.

Political content is analysed by the dedicated in-house team and delivered in a format tailored to you and your team, in Vuelio Political Reports, downloadable seasonal reports, and election specific newsletters.

2) Dods Political Intelligence

Dods aims to inform, educate and advise on parliament and policy, offering coverage on regulatory changes and more. Its political intelligence services include monitoring and research to aid in the reach of communications and campaigns.

Personalised alerts on policy and political issues come from a bank of historical information from a variety of sources across the UK and EU.

Originally founded in 1832, Dods focuses on a human-driven approach in favour of AI-amplified results.

3) DeHavilland

Combining in-house expertise with technology, DeHavilland political monitoring aims to provide users with political data from thousands of sources. Updates are tailored to provide teams with what they need to know and cut out irrelevant noise.

Information is gathered from government, parliament, European parliament, and committees and is shared in a digestible format by team analysts and policy researchers.

Alongside monitoring, the platform offers insight and stakeholder management for public affairs and government relations.

4) PolicyMogul

This platform aims to offer comprehensive and timely monitoring, cutting out government and political developments that may be irrelevant. Offering AI-written summaries designed to contextualise political updates, ‘near real time’ data is available for specific areas of interest.

Alerts – which focus on verified information over potentially overwhelming real time updates – can be shared via email or the platform’s integration with Slack.

PolicyMogul also offers a political stakeholder CRM and embeddables that can be added to websites or blogs.

5) Navigate Politics UK

Offering briefings and client catch-ups, Navigate Politics UK offers ‘human-led’ services to help public affairs leaders stay ahead of political updates.

The automated user interface is designed and delivered by in-house public affairs professionals, sharing updates in daily briefings, alerts, and summaries that are custom-built for public affairs teams. Users can choose from morning briefings, mid-morning round-ups, live coverage, tailored summaries, and weekly grids.

6) PoliMonitor

Used by public affairs and communications professionals from organisations big and small, PoliMonitor helps its users understand and engage with political discussions.

On offer alongside the monitoring is stakeholder mapping, relationship management, transcripts and summaries, client relationship management, research and reports, horizon scanning, and an integrated contact database.

7) Randall’s Monitoring

With over 45 years of experience in monitoring the political sphere, Randall’s offers coverage of Westminster, Whitehall, the Scottish and Welsh Parliaments and the Northern Ireland and Greater London Assemblies. With email and web-based distribution systems, this platform’s parliamentary monitoring has coverage of debates, questions, motions and select committee activities and its general political monitoring covers party political news and policy developments.

Randall’s also provides stakeholder monitoring, and political and parliamentary advice.

Political overview of 2024

Key developments from UK policy and politics in 2024

As we step into Christmas and the New Year, the Vuelio Political Team have been thinking and writing about the key developments that pervaded UK policy and politics in 2024. Here is our overview…

Treating the NHS

Helen Stott, Policy Researcher

Wes Streeting’s first act as Health Secretary was to make a speech declaring the NHS ‘broken’ and to commission Lord Darzi to conduct an investigation into its current state. Darzi’s review was published a few months later and, perhaps unsurprisingly, he laid the blame for the NHS’s decline squarely at the fault of previous Conservative governments. Darzi claims that although the health service is still suffering the effects of COVID-19, it was severely weakened going into the pandemic as a result of years of underfunding. He was also critical of the reforms introduced by former Health Secretary Andrew Lansley in 2012.

Having diagnosed the problem, the Government is now tasked with delivering the treatment. Prior to the election, Labour made it clear that their plans for the health service would rely on three key shifts; firstly a shift away from hospitals and to delivering more care in community settings such as general practice, local pharmacies, and community mental health services. Moving ‘downstream’ is crucial to Labour’s second goal, which is to shift towards a more ‘preventative’ model. The argument is that as the UK faces an aging population with more complex health needs, the only way to stop health costs from spiralling out of control is to get better at early intervention or even preventing ill health from occurring in the first place. This ties in with the Government’s public health ambitions, and their intentions to introduce stricter regulations on junk food. Finally, the first two goals will be underpinned by a shift towards digital, with an ambition to properly digitise the NHS and create electronic patient records, which will allow for proper coordination between different parts of the health and social care system.

The Government is currently in the process of consulting on their 10 Year Health Plan which is due to be published in spring 2025. There are still big questions about how much extra funding the NHS can expect to receive in order to deliver the plan, and about what the Government’s ambition to create a National Care Service will entail.

Planning reform goes top of the priority list

Ellie Farrow, Junior Policy Researcher

Last week, the Government published an 82-page National Planning Policy Framework report outlining its plan to ‘overhaul planning rules’ in order to fix the so-called housing crisis and enable the building of 1.5 million new homes by the end of the next Parliament. The revised framework reintroduces mandatory targets for councils, prioritises brownfield sites, introduces ‘golden rules’ for development on the green belt, and offers additional funding to local authorities’ to aid this transition.

Following this, the ONS released figures showing that the economy had shrunk in October; notably the figures revealed zero growth in the services sector, with manufacturing and construction declining at a pace of 0.6% and 0.4% respectively. This perhaps comes as no surprise to some who have repeatedly expressed concerns for the labour shortages in the sector, the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) has consistently argued that there is a growing gap between the demand for infrastructure development and the available workforce.

In addition to these concerns, under the new plans, councils in England will no longer have the power to contest developments. Instead, planning is to be centralised – or ‘regionalised’ – leading to a disempowerment of local planning offices and committees. These changes, however, came just days before the Government’s much-anticipated English Devolution White Paper. As of this week, the Government has published their English Devolution White Paper which promises to deliver a ‘permanent shift of power away from Whitehall and into the hands of those who know their communities best’. Whether this tallies with centralising planning laws is yet to be seen.

The devolution ‘revolution’

Jennifer Prescott, Political Services Team Lead

In the first week after Labour’s election victory, Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner met with England’s 12 metro mayors to confirm their longstanding intention to expand devolution, promising to ‘deliver the most ambitious programme of devolution this country has ever seen’. The devolution agenda is the first of Labour’s five missions to kickstart economic growth and has been set out in their English Devolution White Paper, published on 16 December. The paper pledges a ‘devolution by default’ approach and outlines its ambition to establish ‘strategic authorities’ (of 500,000 or more residents) covering the whole of the country, meaning that borough and district councils will be abolished. Chair of the District Councils’ Network Sam Chapman-Allen called the move the ‘opposite of devolution, taking powers away from local communities’. Similarly, one council leader in Sussex – an area that has recently submitted an expression of interest in devolved power – called it a ‘death knell for local democracy’. However, the Government’s intention behind the plan to favour larger, combined authorities is to give cities and regions ‘a bigger voice’.

Mayoral strategic authorities will receive consolidated funding pots for housing and planning, transport, skills, and employment support, with the Greater Manchester, Liverpool City Region, North East, South Yorkshire, West Midlands, and West Yorkshire combined authorities being the first. While the Local Government Association welcomes the transfer of powers and money to local leaders, it said it ‘cannot distract from the severe funding pressures that are pushing local services to the brink’. Given the proximity, it’s unclear how pivotal yesterday’s Local Government Finance Settlement will be for the viability of local authorities.

The Government will shortly set out its Devolution Priority Programme aiming to deliver inaugural mayoral elections in May 2026. Discussions have been had with places including Cheshire and Warrington, and Norfolk and Suffolk, and places on the Priority Programme will be confirmed in January.

The post-16 education and skills landscape

Michael Kane, Policy Researcher

A 2023 report by the Education Committee demonstrated the complex nature of the post-16 education and skills landscape – significantly, this simply reiterated the same point that had been made before by the Independent Panel on Technical Education in 2016 and the Wolf Review in 2011. 2024 saw the continuation of this complexity. At the start of the year, then Prime Minister Rishi Sunak was pursuing his plans for an ‘Advanced British Standard’, a plan to, in essence, combine A Levels and T Levels, see every student study ‘some form of maths and English to age 18’, and defund alternative qualifications such as BTECs.

Labour’s election complicated matters: Sunak’s Advanced British Standard was scrapped and derided as unfunded by the Chancellor, and less than month into Government, Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson announced a ‘short review of post-16 qualification reforms at level 3 and below’. The culmination of this review in December saw the Government largely renege on the previous Government’s plans for widespread defunding as they announced that 70% of courses previously earmarked for defunding would stay. Considering the importance of getting post-16 qualifications right for addressing ameliorating skills gaps and productivity levels in the UK economy, the Government may choose to buck the trend of complexity and give the education sector certainty in 2025. With this in mind, the Government’s manifesto promise to publish a long-term strategy for post-16 education is one to look out for.

Clean energy by 2030, not 2035

Laura Fitzgerald, Policy Researcher

Labour’s election brought with it promises of change for the UK’s energy landscape. Both in the lead-up to – and post – election, Labour have been vocal in Labour’s ambitions to make the UK a ‘clean energy superpower’ and target of clean power by 2030. This target, five years earlier than their Conservative predecessors, will be no small feat, but one that the Government insists is achievable. Last week saw Labour publish its Clean Power 2030 Action Plan detailing the steps to build a clean energy system, and one that benefits both the consumer and environment alike. It includes reforms to the grid connection and renewable auction processes, and pledges to ‘unlock billions of investment’ a year.

Energy UK’s CEO Dhara Vyas welcomed the changes to accelerate the planning process and enable the development of critical infrastructure, as did Friends of the Earth who said that the plan will be instrumental in creating green jobs, lowering bills and protecting the planet. The plan is not without its sceptics however. The Shadow Energy Secretary Claire Coutinho, who has largely defended the net-zero scepticism of the previous Government, expressed concerns about whether a clean energy system would lower household energy bills. Speaking in an interview with Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, Nick Robinson also shared some public concern that a clean energy system may lead to blackouts with renewable energy sources often subject to some variability. With 2030 just under four years away, both sides can agree that the scale of the task is significant and will require bold action if the clean energy target is to be met.

2025 and beyond

Given the holistic nature of policy, the key developments that pervaded 2024 will likely feed into 2025. With this in mind, if we are to comprehend the issues that may grasp the machinery of Government in 2025, we have to understand – were they were conclusively grasped before?

For regular updates on what is happening in UK politics and public affairs, sign up to our fortnightly Point of Order newsletter, going out every other Thursday.

Budget 2024

Key Takeaways From Rachel Reeves’ Budget: ‘Fixing the Foundations to Deliver Change’

Written by Michael Kane and Laura Fitzgerald. 

Nearly four months on from the 2024 General Election and the UK’s first female Chancellor Rachel Reeves finally delivered the Government’s Budget. The hefty 170-page document, and Reeves’ accompanying statement to the Commons, goes some way to provide further clarity on the Government’s priorities. In this sense, it feels like a particularly significant Budget given the accusations that Labour attempted a ‘Ming vase strategy‘ of avoiding difficult decisions in the election, and the relative ambiguity about priorities after their first 100 days.

Whether the Budget provides complete clarity on the above is yet to be seen. Nonetheless, it certainly provides some takeaways to be explored.

The return of tax and spend?

Just as the Budget was enormous in terms of its significance, the announcements on taxation, borrowing, and spending were equally as huge. In contrast with Reeves’ relatively steady approach before the election, with only minor tweaks to taxes and spending mentioned in Labour’s manifesto, yesterday saw the Chancellor in a markedly different light.

From the announcement of record tax rises by £40bn, to one of the largest increases in spending since the 2000 spending review at almost £70bn, the Autumn 2024 Budget was nothing short of historic. The majority of the £40bn worth of tax rises will come from a £25bn increase in employers’ National Insurance contributions – a tax take which reportedly places the UK at almost level with the Netherlands, and seen by some as Labour’s move towards a more ‘European-style economy.’ Increases in borrowing were also announced yesterday, facilitated by Reeves’ choice to change the UK’s fiscal rules which loosened the constraints around borrowing to invest.

These decisions, while drastic, are hoped to precipitate economic growth and prosperity in the long-term – ‘no pain, no gain’. However, the fiscal forecast from the Office for Budget Responsibility does seem to augur such an explosion of growth. It finds that, while GDP will increase to 1.1 percent this year and to 2.0 percent next year, the rate will then fall to 1.8 percent in 2026 and to 1.5 percent thereafter. Will Reeves’ gamble pay off? Or will the Budget fall short of the investment needed to truly ‘fix the foundations’?

The Government’s farming predicament

The lead-up to the Budget saw Reeves repeatedly warn of the ‘tough decisions’ that need to be made to fill the blackhole in public finances, and this was certainly true for the UK’s farming community. Farmers were among those dealt the most devastating blow yesterday, leaving many to fear for their livelihoods and legacy of their life’s work alike.

The reform in question includes a limit on inheritance tax relief for farms to £1m, a move which farmers claim will make inheriting family farms unviable, and a policy which the National Farmers’ Union has called ‘disastrous‘. Concerns have also been raised regarding the impact of the tax relief cap on food security and the ability of future generations to grow British produce. This would have implications for both businesses and consumers, making the UK more heavily reliant on imports, affecting sustainable food production and undermining commitments to protect the environment.

Broadcasters Jeremy Clarkson and Rachel Johnson are among the critics of the reform, taking to X to express their anger towards the announcement. Clarkson, presenter of the programme ‘Clarkson’s Farm’, urged farmers not to despair and to ‘look after [themselves] for five short years’ by which time ‘this shower will be gone’, while Johnson blasted the Government’s decision in order to raise ‘a measly £500m’.

With details on the Government’s new deal for farmers yet to be published, the Government’s promises to enhance rural economic growth and food security could seem something of a distant reality. The Government did allocate £500mn in Project Gigabit and the Shared Rural Network to enhance broadband provision in underserved rural areas, but whether rural communities feel sufficiently supported is another matter.

Local Government finance

Coming into the Budget, the challenges facing Local Government were stark: among the council Chief Executives who responded to a pre-budget survey from the Local Government Association, over half said they were likely to declare financial bankruptcy in the next five years. Therefore, addressing the challenges facing Local Government is vital on a practical level, given the role Local Government plays as first point of contact for many citizens in the delivery of vital services such as social care, SEND provision, and housing. Additionally, the sentiment in Labour’s pre-election manifesto illustrates the Government’s intention to further devolution across England – self-evidently, this is only feasible with sustainable funding.

The Budget attempted to grapple with the significance of the situation by promising an additional £1.3bn of new grant funding for local authority services. Most notably, this included £600m for social care and an additional £233m spending in 2025-26 on homelessness prevention. This may go some distance to provide an immediate sticking plaster over funding gaps, however questions remain about the long-term sustainability of this approach. Firstly, this is not enough to address the £2.3bn funding shortfall, as noted by the think tank Reform. Secondly, a more fundamental rethink about the funding and organisation of Local Government may prove to be a more successful strategy – perhaps revaluing council tax could be a starting point. However, the Budget revealed that the proposed devolution legislation will involve ‘working with councils to move to simpler structures that make sense for their local areas’ – this is something to keep an eye on given the demand to reorganise local government in England.

Looking beyond the headlines

There were aspects of the Budget that did not grasp the prevailing headlines and soundbites that the Government briefed – this includes proposals that were hidden and the shortcomings of some of the announcements. First, the Government revealed that they will consult next year on proposals to bring remote gambling (gambling offered over the internet, telephone, TV and radio) into a single tax. Preceding this, the Social Market Foundation and the Institute for Public Policy Research had both suggested increasing tax on remote gambling. Curiously, the Government’s announcement did not make it into Reeves’ speech or the main text in the document – instead it was to be found in the policy announcements section towards the end of the document. Significantly, this speaks to Labour’s prior ambiguity on gambling regulation with their manifesto simply suggesting that they would ‘reform gambling protections’ and that they are ‘committed to reducing gambling-related harm’. Given the centrality of prevention to the Government’s agenda for health policy, this is something to keep an eye on, even if the Government does not shout about it.

Moreover, when interrogating the details of the Budget, we can see some apparent shortcomings. For example, the Government committed to continuing the freeze on fuel duty in a bid to appease concerns from drivers. However, the visuals of freezing fuel duty while increasing the cap on bus fares, and the news that rail fares will increase by 4.6% next year may seem counter-intuitive – especially considering the impending net-zero transition.

Interestingly, the New Economics Foundation also detailed that updating the fuel duty could fund the £2 bus fare cap ten times over. Finally, when doing the media rounds this morning, Reeves noted that increasing taxes on businesses may have detrimental effects on pay increases for workers. Meanwhile, the Institute for Fiscal Studies explained that this Budget will only increase real household disposable income by 0.4%, if projected to the whole parliament. This feeds into arguments that a windfall tax on banks or a wealth tax may prove a better means to redistribute wealth.

Looking forward

Reeves’ Budget has proved relatively decisive on some of the key questions facing the Government. To some degree, this was inevitable with the UK economy facing a practical reckoning given the myriad of crosscutting challenges. Whether this be the highest tax burden since the Second World War, the highest level of national debt since the 1960s, the annual GDP growth slowing to 1.5% since the 2008 financial crash, or the decline in living standards over the last Parliament.

Knowing all this, Labour have still made the promise to make the UK the fastest growing economy in the G7. Therefore, something had to give to level with this promise and the UK’s wider economic predicament. Specifically, Reeves chose to focus on taxing business and tweaking the fiscal rules to allow for greater borrowing in an attempt to drive growth. With Reeves set to appear in front of the Treasury Select Committee next week, that session will provide a further read into how the Government grapples with the economic predicament.

For regular updates on what is happening in UK politics and public affairs, sign up to our fortnightly Point of Order newsletter, going out every other Thursday.

The scandals of the General Election 2024

Rundown of the Conservative leadership candidates

The Conservative leadership candidates have all given their pitch to the party hoping to succeed Rishi Sunak. The last time Conservative members chose their leader, they went for Liz Truss. This time the choice will not be as consequential for the country, as they will be taking the position of Leader of the Opposition, rather than Prime Minister.

While not being as significant to the country, it is of vital importance to the party as they are at somewhat of a crossroads in terms of their long and storied history. They are coming off a historic defeat at the General Election and now have only 121 MPs. Labour is attempting to blame the previous Government for everything they can. The Liberal Democrats and Reform both enjoyed significant electoral success against the party at the election as well. Whoever is chosen has a big task on their hands.

Tugendhat
Emerging from a sea of foam fingers and Tom Tugendtote bags, Shadow Security Minister Tom Tugendhat was the first of the candidates to take to the main hall stage at this year’s Conservative Party Conference and give his leadership pitch. In a nod to his background as a former soldier, Tugendhat’s speech was largely values-driven, emphasising the importance of integrity towards – and service to – both the party and country alike. While his decorated military experience precedes him, Tugendhat certainly has the least government experience of the four leadership hopefuls. With less than two years serving as Security Minister under former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, Tugendhat played to his time in the military, saying that this showed him what true leadership is, and he promised to ‘lead with conviction and [to] act decisively’. He also justified his comparatively shorter time in management around the cabinet table claiming that he is ‘not here to manage, but to lead.’

Echoing the sentiment of the conference’s slogan ‘Review and Rebuild’, Tugendhat’s speech stressed the need to rebuild the party and restore the trust of the British people. He also vowed to rebuild CCHQ, and turn the Conservatives back into a ‘campaign-winning machine.’ Global security is a priority for Tugendhat. He values Britain’s position on the global stage and said the Conservatives have long been a party to fight for freedom, ‘united’ against threats the UK has faced. Migration, healthcare, the economy, and energy were also key areas of focus in his speech. He pledged to introduce an effective deterrent for migration, including a legal cap at 100,000, while on health and energy he vowed to strip excessive regulations in the health system and never to allow the UK to be dependent on ‘tyrants’ for energy.

This week also saw the Shadow Security Minister hit out at rival Robert Jenrick who used footage of one of Tugendhat’s former comrades in a campaign video. Jenrick published the video to make the case that the UK needs to withdraw from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), claiming it forces the SAS into ‘killing rather than capturing terrorists’. The video contained footage of British soldiers in combat, one of whom Tugendhat knew from his time in Afghanistan, and who has since passed away. Tugendhat took to BBC Newsnight to express his anger at Jenrick’s comments, stating that it shows a ‘fundamental lack of awareness of military operations’ and urging Jenrick to ‘pull [the video] down’. He also said that it was ‘particularly upsetting’ that his friend had been used in vain, unable to have the opportunity to defend himself. Tugendhat’s own stance on ECHR is somewhat reminiscent of David Cameron pre-Brexit referendum in that he suggested ‘[opting] out of the bits you can, reform the bits that aren’t working, and if that doesn’t work, be prepared to leave’.

While Tugendhat is popular among the public, with a recent poll placing him in the lead among The Independent readership, his prospects at Wednesday’s third ballot may not yield such positive results. According to a recent YouGov poll, Tugendhat is trailing behind, with only 16% of Conservative party members believing he is fit for the top job.

Cleverly
James Cleverly is widely viewed as being the candidate who benefitted the most from his speech at conference. He went into the conference as a bit of an outsider without much momentum and his leadership rivals were capturing far more of the media attention. He called on the party to be ‘normal’ and attempted to provide party members with a sense of motivation going forward. He even began his speech asking what the point of the party is and went on to speak on how the party has no right to power. He focused heavily on his upbringing and life, going through his upbringing in Lewisham, his time in the Reserves, his career in business, and his wife’s battle with cancer. Cleverly succeeded where some have criticised Tugendhat, in explaining who he is and what his background is and not taking for granted people know who he is.

The sense of trying to motivate a defeated party can be seen through Cleverly listing the Conservatives’ achievements over the years and squarely saying that if he is leader there will be no deals with Reform.

Another key part of Cleverly’s speech was his experience and what he had done, which was well received. However on 3 October the Foreign Office released a joint statement on the Chagos Archipelago, whereby sovereignty was given to Mauritius over the islands. Cleverly criticised this announcement which could be seen to have been a bit of a misstep as he was the Foreign Secretary when the negotiations began. This was roundly pointed out across social media and has been picked up by his leadership rivals. This has hurt Cleverly’s credibility just as his stock was beginning to rise, as he is seemingly criticising a policy that he initiated.

Jenrick
Bobby J had perhaps the most turbulent week of all the leadership contenders. He came into the conference as the frontrunner but a campaign video on the ECHR has caused him big problems. In a video where Jenrick was making the case for the UK to leave the ECHR, he made the claim that British special forces are killing rather than capturing terrorists due to the convention. When he was challenged on the remarks Jenrick stood by his claim, saying he did not want the convention to get in the way of national security. Jenrick cited an article by former Defence Secretary Ben Wallace in which he wrote “because of international treaties such as the European Convention on Human Rights defence secretaries are being forced to choose between killing individuals, generally by drone, or leaving them to continue plotting”. This led to the first real blue on blue attacks of the leadership campaign, with both James Cleverly and Tom Tugendhat expressing concern with Jenrick’s claim.

Jenrick played to the audience both in terms of location and their politics. He proudly declared his Midlands roots and revealed that one of his daughters’ middle names is Thatcher, as she was born in the year Margaret Thatcher died and he respects ‘strong women’. Jenrick made a slight mistake when he claimed that in 1974 the Conservative Party decided to be led by Margaret Thatcher, as Thatcher actually became leader of the Conservative Party in 1975.

Jenrick has in the last few weeks closed the gap between himself and the members’ favourite Kemi Badenoch. He has the most support among MPs, and if the members move with him, it would be fair to consider him in pole position.

Badenoch
The gifts available at Kemi Badenoch’s party conference tent were slightly different from her opponents. No t-shirts or hats, but Kemi apples, anyone? Perhaps a symbol of a healthy Britain, perhaps a symbol that a fresh start is coming, either way Badenoch has certainly been the apple of the Conservative party members’ eye for most of the leadership contest. A recent YouGov poll has revealed that the Shadow Housing Secretary is the hot favourite among members and this has largely been the case since the race began. That being said, her popularity has waned in recent days following her controversial remarks regarding maternity pay. Speaking with Times Radio, former Business Secretary Badenoch claimed that statutory maternity pay places an ‘excessive’ burden on business and has ‘gone too far.’ The comment has since come under fire, leading Badenoch to later defend herself on X, insisting that ‘of course [she believes] in maternity pay!’. A poll conducted amid the backlash over the remarks found that only 7% of the British public think maternity pay is too much, so it begs the question, is it Badenoch who has gone ‘too far?’ Badenoch has pitched herself as somewhat of a fighter, saying ‘if you swing at me, I will swing back’, something that some members may admire, which others may find concerning. Her dismissal of identity politics will likely have gone down well with members however. When asked about how she would feel to be the first black leader, she responded, ‘I am somebody who wants the colour of skin to be no more significant than the colour of our hair or the colour of our eyes’.

Badenoch’s speech at conference reflected her worldview and outlined her values. She spoke of the importance of trust, freedom of speech, and the bravery to do the right thing. Contrary to Labour’s steadfast drive towards clean energy, Badenoch is herself a net zero sceptic. She said the net zero strategy is damaging to the economy and criticised the commitment towards the transition to net zero. The latter half of her speech focused on the key tenets of her leadership. She pledged to ‘rewrite the rules of game’, developing a comprehensive plan to reform the British state and economy. She said this will include a review of the UK’s international agreements, the Human Rights Act, the Equality Act, judicial review, the Treasury, the Bank of England, the Civil Service and the NHS. She closed her speech with the unveiling of her ‘Renewal 2030’ plan. For Badenoch, 2030, potentially the Conservatives’ first year back in office, would be an opportunity to build growth in the UK, centred around personal responsibility, family, sovereignty and capitalism.

For what could have been a ‘doom and gloom’ party conference following a bruising election defeat, there was certainly an air of optimism among the leadership candidates. The four contenders all believe that they have what it takes to rebuild the country and lead the Conservative party to victory at the next election. What differs however is their approach to doing so. A Badenoch or Jenrick victory may see Labour confronted with challenges on their net zero policy, whilst a Tugendhat or Cleverly victory may see greater emphasis on global security and foreign policy.

With Tugendhat likely to be the next candidate eliminated from the race, it remains to be seen where his share of the votes will go. Will they be distributed to Cleverly, after his impressive performance at conference, and similar left-leaning stance? Or will Badenoch and Jenrick hold strong at the top? It’s up to the members to decide.

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One month on from the 2024 UK General Election

Learnings and observations from Conservative conference fringes: Social housing, opportunity and life sciences

Written by Michael Kane and Helen Stott from the Vuelio Political Team. 

Our blog last week highlighted that, despite the Labour leadership’s disciplinarian grasp on policy development, the fringes at last week’s Labour conference still proved useful in exemplifying the future challenges to be addressed and their potential solutions.

Contrastingly, the Conservative leadership have not had the same firm grasp on policy development – mainly because the leadership remains a vacuum, with the party currently engrossed in a leadership election. In this sense, the fringes at Conservative Party Conference may instead inform the prospective leadership contenders’ policy platform.

Considering how embryonic some of the policies that underpin the candidates are, and the unclear ideological trajectory of the Conservative party as a whole, the fringes at this year’s Conservative conference proved particularly pertinent.

‘Where next for social housing?’ by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation

The Conservative party has a long history with social housing and housebuilding provision: the party supported Labour’s New Towns programme after the Second World War and even unveiled their own Expanded Towns programme in 1952. An ideological shift in the 1980s saw the party unveil the Right to Buy council houses and the transfer of social housing stock from local authorities to housing associations. From 2010 onwards, the previous Conservative government established numerous house building targets, housing strategies and attempts at planning reform. Nonetheless, the evidence shows plainly that, from 2010 to 2024, owning a home became harder, renting a home became more expensive, homelessness rose, and not enough houses were built.

With the above context in mind, this fringe by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation looked to consider the role of social housing in the Conservative party’s future policy platform. Former Minister of State for Housing and Planning Rachel Maclean observed how the social housing system is broken as she called on the Conservative party to consider its funding and who benefits from the system. Conservative backbencher Bob Blackman struck a similar reforming tone as he agreed with Maclean on the need for a rethink. He specifically argued for incorporating the right to buy as soon as the tenant enters social housing and invest all this money in building social housing to create a virtuous circle. Interestingly, this comes with the Government planning to consult in Autumn on reforms to Right to Buy and having already started to review the increased Right to Buy discounts introduced in 2012. Finally, Conservative councillor and Deputy Leader of the LGA Conservative Group Abi Brown called for Conservatives to be bolder when it comes to making the arguments for house building when local residents may be unsatisfied with the proposals. This follows concerns that former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s Government submitted to localist concerns around mandatory housing targets.

The Labour party has looked to make housebuilding a vital component of their strategy to deliver economic growth – much has been made of their plans to build 1.5m new homes through planning reform, new towns, and ‘the biggest increase to social and affordable housebuilding in a generation’. With Labour having set their stall out so clearly, the Conservatives quickly need to build a coherent narrative on social housing – especially when this could enable them to reconnect with younger voters disgruntled by the poor prospect of home ownership.

‘Opportunity for all’ by NASUWT

If Labour have been clear on their aims for social housing and housebuilding, the same could be said of their plans for education. Speaking to this point, the title of this fringe organised by Teachers Union, NASUWT, even borrows Labour’s ‘opportunity for all’ slogan from their manifesto. This fringe then considered how the Conservatives should respond to Labour’s plans for education as a whole and the challenges the sector faces. Whether this be a school attendance crisis precipitated by COVID-19, the widening attainment gap across income and regional variables in England, a teacher recruitment and retention crisis, a crisis in SEND provision, or the uncertain future that further education faces with concerns around its funding settlement.

Edward Davies, Policy Director at the Centre for Social Justice, focused his remarks on the reasons for underachievement in school. Predictably and rightly, he attributed some of this to the school attendance crisis but he also argued that the rising number of children who do not have two biological parents at home is also a cause for concern. He condemned the fact that this issue does not seem to be part of the policy discussion. Whether a future Conservative leader puts this at the forefront of the education debate remains to be seen, with scars still remaining from former leader Sir Iain Duncan Smith’s focus on single mothers. In a forthright tone, the General Secretary of NASUWT, Dr Patrick Roach, condemned the prior Conservative Government for their poor relationship with education unions as he detailed that a rethink will be required if the Conservatives are to return to Government. Considering the fact that the leadership contenders unanimously condemned Labour’s ‘union paymasters’, this comment may not be taken on board.

Finally, the penal was rounded out by the Shadow Minister for Schools Gagan Mohindra whose comments reflect the conundrum the Conservative party face. His opening remarks featured a perhaps contradictory tone of explicating the challenges the education sector faces while defending the Conservatives record. Interestingly, he directly apologised for the lack of support provided on SEND provision. This encapsulates the reckoning the party faces on education policy between pursuing an apologetic or defensive tone, or even somewhere in between.

‘Boosting UK health and wealth through Life Sciences research’ by UCB

One of Wes Streeting’s first acts as Health Secretary was to declare the NHS ‘broken’ and to set the groundwork for a series of ‘radical’ reforms to the health service. Interestingly, the former Science Minister had some praise for the incoming Labour Government’s strategy. Reflecting on when he first joined Parliament in 2010, Freeman said his initial goal in politics was to tackle the ‘structural deficit’ that the UK has found itself in, with welfare and health spending set to rise year on year. Freeman argued that the life science industry is the only sector which is capable of reversing this trend and truly addressing the structural problems of the UK economy.

Unsurprisingly, Freeman had positive things to say about the Conservatives’ progress on life sciences while in Government, but he said ultimately they were not able to tap into the opportunities presented by the NHS. Politicians from both sides of the House have pointed out that our health service, with its huge resource of patient data, could present excellent opportunities for clinical research, is a huge site of underutilised opportunity. Freeman said that because Labour are the party that created the NHS they are the only ones that would be able to carry out the reform needed, and while the new Government’s long term plan for the health service won’t be published until next year, he said what he had seen so far was promising. This highlighted a possible site of consensus between the Conservatives and the new Labour Government.

What now?

While the leadership contest may have dominated the media headlines and the attention of most attendees of the conference, many of the fringe events in the periphery executive rooms, halls, and corridors of Birmingham’s ICC reflect the pervading challenges of economic and social policy in the UK. Importantly, these questions must be addressed by the future Conservative leader if they are to build a coherent ideological vision and policy platform to overcome their 2024 General Election result.

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